Brett Kavanaugh: Casting a Shadow over SRI Investing?

Posted on July 28, 2018 by Bhakti Mirchandani

Journal of Political Risk, Vol. 7, No. 7, July 2018

By Bhakti Mirchandani

The potential for President Trump’s Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh to weaken investor, employee, and consumer protections[1] and reverse Roe v. Wade[2] is widely covered. More critical for the $8.7 trillion US assets that are invested according to sustainable, responsible, and impact (all three together and inclusive of ESG investing, “SRI”) strategies[3] is Brett Kavanaugh’s opposition to a key driver of SRI momentum: administrative agency rulemaking.

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Teaching a Tunisian to Fish: An Animating Way to Wield US Soft Power

Posted on May 31, 2018 by Bhakti Mirchandani

Journal of Political Risk, Vol. 7, No. 5, May 2018

By Bhakti Mirchandani

Economic statecraft, the use of economic instruments to accomplish geopolitical objectives, dates back to the Louisiana Purchase. American Enterprise Funds, first established by USAID following the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the breakup of the Former Soviet Union, and the Tunisian American Enterprise Fund, launched in 2013, are two examples of both economic statecraft and powerful impact investing tools. This article provides a window into the Tunisian American Enterprise Fund’s investments, purpose, progress, strategy, and place in US foreign policy.

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KORUS: Part of the Heart and Seoul of the US-South Korea Relationship

Posted on November 9, 2017 by Bhakti Mirchandani

Journal of Political Risk, Vol. 5, No. 11, November 2017

By Bhakti Mirchandani

South Korea has been an important US ally since 1953. The alliance is multifaceted, ranging from US military presence in South Korea and coordination on the North Korea nuclear issue to cyber, and from energy to climate change.[1] South Korea is also the US’s sixth-largest trading partner.[2] Despite the lasting strength of the alliance, the relationship between South Korean President Moon Jae-in and President Trump is fraying under the strain of the North Korean nuclear threat and of renegotiating the bilateral US-Korea free trade agreement (“KORUS “). President Trump accused President Moon’s government of “appeasement” of North Korea,[3] but ultimately agreed not to attack North Korea without South Korea’s permission.[4] Trump also threatened to terminate KORUS, which he described as a “horrible deal.”[5] Beyond the relationship between the two leaders, the position of US Ambassador to South Korea has been vacant since President Trump took office, and South Korean protestors assembled with anti-war signs at an anti-Trump rally outside the US Embassy in Seoul during President Trump’s visit this past Tuesday.[6]

Tae Song Dong, South Korea. The flags of South Korea and the United Nations wave in the breeze. Source: Getty

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Good Hombres (and Mujeres): Let’s Modernize NAFTA

Posted on September 22, 2017 by Bhakti Mirchandani

Journal of Political Risk, Vol. 5, No. 9, September 2017

By Bhakti Mirchandani

Mexico is the U.S.’s third largest trading partner[1] and second largest export destination.[2] Trade representatives from the U.S., Canada, and Mexico said that they made progress in the second round of NAFTA renegotiations (September 1-5 in Mexico City),[3] with a third round scheduled for September 23-27 in Ottawa, Canada.[4] President Trump’s August 22nd statement at a rally in Phoenix that the US would “probably end up terminating NAFTA at some point”[5] looms over this progress. Instead, the administration should acknowledge that withdrawing from NAFTA is untenable.

Credit: Bhakti Mirchandani.

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