Violent Incidents and Reporting Bias in the South Kivu region of the Democratic Republic of Congo from 2017 to 2022
Journal of Political Risk, Vol. 10, No. 8, August 2022
UN forces in Minembwe, South Kivu taken on 2 April 2019. Source: Delphin Ntanyoma.
Delphin Ntanyoma Erasmus University
Fidele Sebahizi Liberty University
Prosper Baseka wa Baseka Bircham International University
This study includes preliminary analysis of 324 violent incidents in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) recorded by Kivu Security Tracker (KST) and 29 reports of the United Nations Peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo, known as Mission de Nations Unies pour la Stabilisation du Congo (MONUSCO).
On the Interplay of Minority Groups’ Discrimination and Humanitarian Assistance Failure
Journal of Political Risk, Vol. 9, No. 11, November 2021
Village in Bibogobogo set alight. Photograph by Neri Patrick, taken on October 19, 2021.
Delphin Ntanyoma Erasmus University
For two weeks now, a humanitarian convoy (five trucks) transporting humanitarian assistance to support the Banyamulenge in Bibogobogo (sometimes spelled Bibokoboko) has been intercepted by administrative and security officials in the city of Baraka .Two international humanitarian organizations, including the World Food Program (WFP), that have been working in this region to support displaced and local populations, resolved to support internally displaced Banyamulenge in Bibogobogo. The WFP’s support used an intermediate humanitarian organization, familiar of the context, to provide the assistance. On its way from Uvira to Baraka, rumors circulated that this is not humanitarian assistance but rather that the trucks contained ammunition and guns. Several sources including ones linked to civil society organizations in the region have confirmed that youth in Baraka (who support administrative and security officials) erected barricades to block the trucks. Truck drivers were obliged to unload everything to check what was inside each box. In the end, the search found that there was nothing linked to guns and ammunition. However, the assistance is now stored in Baraka, and it is uncertain if these organizations will be courageous enough to reload and bring the assistance to Bibogobogo. Continue reading →
Journal of Political Risk, Vol. 9, No. 10, October 2021
South Africans and supporters gather outside the South African High Commission in London to support students and protest against police violence. Rachel Megawhat.
Stephanie Wild University of Cape Town
The problem of youth unemployment has grown in South Africa for years, but now with the global economy having taken an all-time dip, it has emerged even further at the forefront of South Africans’ minds. Policy geared to expand small business creation in the education sector would be a two-for-one win that keeps on giving.
The crux of the problem
According to Stats SA (2021), in the first quarter of 2021, the official unemployment rate was reported as an astonishingly-high 32.6%. While the number of employed and unemployed South Africans remained rather unchanged from the last quarter of 2020, the number of discouraged work-seekers increased by nearly 7% (Stats SA, 2021). This means that the problem has not necessarily worsened between 2020 and this year. However, it persists and reveals a failure to both ameliorate the problem, and a failure to boost morale that results from the problem. Continue reading →
Journal of Political Risk, Vol. 9, No. 9, September 2021
Destruction of Falun Gong books during the 1999 China crackdown. Wikimedia/ClearWisdom
Helen Hintjens, Ph.D.
International Institute of Social Studies in The Hague
“Genocide is a crime for which there has to be proof of a particular hostile state of mind in an individual or in a government body towards a group that qualifies under the Genocide Convention’s or the ICC Statute’s limited set of groups against whom genocide can be committed”.
Since at least 2000, at the behest of Jiang Zemin, President of the PRC from 1993 to 2003, Falun Gong have been labelled a ‘heretical (or deviated) religion’, and its members systematically persecuted through a covert ‘6-10 Office’ group of Chinese government security officers.
Journal of Political Risk, Vol. 8, No. 9, September 2020
Maori Meeting House Te Hono ki Hawaiki. Source: Tony Hisgett
Susan Cullen-Wetere Ngati Maniapoto
Bernard Cadogan DPhil Oxford University
Indigenous peoples and their protecting nation states in the Western group of nations share a common interest in democracy and the rule of law. The norm between them is a collaborative and fiduciary association that escalates race relations out of the infinite misery of grievance politics, and the cycles of rage characterising other race discourses. Both indigenous nations and their protector nations have an interest in building on the strengths of their Treaty systems, and protection mechanisms, and in excluding foreign interference inimical to the relationships they share.
It is proposed that a global indigenous organisation is formed, as a place of intellectual discourse and debate, much as is Chatham House in London, or Clingendael in The Netherlands.Continue reading →